THE DYNAMICS OF LEGISLATIVE ELECTION IN INDONESIA

Abstract

This research aims to describe the dynamics of the legislative elections in Indonesia in 1955, 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997, 1999, 2004, 2009, 20014, and 2019. This type of research was library research by using a qualitative approach. This study utilized cross-checks as the data validity checking technique. The data analysis techniques in this study used qualitative descriptive analysis. In interpreting data, this study was based on the concepts, theories, and critical analysis. The results of this study are as follows: (1) The 1955 elections were aimed at electing members of the DPR, and the members of the Constituent Assembly. The legal basis for this election was the 1950 Constitution and Law No. 7 of 1953 concerning General Elections. It is confirmed by numerous parties as one of the most democratic elections in the history of Indonesian state administration; (2) New Order era elections were held periodically for six times (1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997). It applied a proportional election system that was adjusted to the objectives and political format of the New Order. The New Order elections were only followed by three political parties and Golkar as the ruling party continually won. As a result, President Soeharto's political position became extraordinarily strong, the role of military politics was highly dominant, and the taming political radicalism can be done through the concept of a floating mass; (3) The 1999 election was still in the format of the constitutional system according to the 1945 Constitution that had not been amended. Thus, it was only to elect DPR and DPRD members, and they were also still familiar with the Republic of Indonesia Armed Forces (ABRI) member appointment system; (4) After the amendment to the 1945 Constitution, the legislative and presidential elections have been held four times, i.e., the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 elections. Although the results of the legislative elections in the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 elections did not produce an absolute majority in parliament (DPR and DPRD), but these issues did not disturb the stability of government, both national and local. It happened because the president and vice-president, as well as regional heads and deputy regional heads, were elected directly by the people, so it did not depend on the configuration of political power in parliament.